Saturday, September 29, 2007

Millennail Challenge: The new HR 2003 Bill and its implications.

Global Strategic Enterprises, Inc for Peace and Prosperity-

Re: US Congress HR 2003 Bill to be discussed on 02 October 2007

Here is the latest version of the HR2003 drafted by US Congress. It is much better than the earlier versions and I still have some reservation in its current format.

The deficiencies are still deliberate and purposeful and need our considered attention. Corrections are over due.

There are some fundamental changes to earlier versions, HR2228 (Shabia sponsored draft), 5680 (OLF sponsored draft) which had reference to Eritrea and security matters.

The bill continues to be a problem as it is not an independent bill between the US and Ethiopia stakeholders, but is driven by enemies of Ethiopia, first the Alqaeda-Shabia network in Eritrea, next by the OLF-Somali Netwrok and now the AFD-CUD and Alshabab network.

US bills of such significance should be drafted by US-Ethiopia stakeholders and not by those who are known sympathisers of the regional terrorist networks. This fundamental problem remains and I am sure the Senate or the President will correct it. The US Congress should not be used by terrorist sympathisers to promote their negative campaigns in the US under the pretext of democracy and human rights.

The initial section looks fairly positive except the narration of events that unfolded in Ethiopia is not totally accurate, as looks that it is drafted by elements sympathetic to the architects of the "orange Revolution". I some times wonder, do the congress research team consult with US Embassy political and research officers? There is such gross misinformation by intentionally leaving out sections of events that lead to different impressions and conclusions.

No where does it mention that 20 of the 170 parliament elect refused to enter parliament, and the Addis Ababa Mayoral Office refused to take up their post regardless of long time wait to do so. It does not mention about the highly orchestrated violent demonstrations where lives were lost and property damaged by members of the demonstrators. There are videos seen in Ethiopia and some were at the US Embassy web site here in Washington untill very recently.

Has the US Congressional Research Team gone to Ethiopia and confirmed some of these allegations, or depended on selective information that was brought here by politically motivated people.
This report needs to be comprehensive and should interview all contending parties and stakeholders to be fair.

No where does it mention that the demonstrations took place against advice by the government that it was not legal to do so at the specific time and there were active violence at the demonstrations where buses were burnt, houses and property damaged and police officers who tried to peacefully negotiate or stop the violence were killed by the demonstrators.

The documentation is selective and rather incompetent for a house that has so much money and researchers at its disposal. These are intentional selective documentation and serious oversight that need to be reviewed and corrected.

The US Congressional Bill that demands justice should first document events as they took place and there should be no sanitizing to favor one group against the other.

As to the declarations and the processes of their implementation, there is a gross violation of normal diplomatic international relations of two nations who pride with over 100 years of diplomatic relations.

The current excellent diplomatic relationships between the US and Ethiopia are likely to be negatively impacted by this bill if passed as it is without the necessary corrections and modifications.

Imagine, Eritrea, Somalia, Sudan and neighboring Uganda are not getting such treatment. Is this what is billed as friendly relations? One wonders what the US congress considers excellent relationship. We are not in the Cold war, some of the language that was heard at the meeting was not professional nor diplomatic, some are still in the Cold War settings oblivious to the dramatic changes that has taken place in the world.

I sincerely believe, that this bill does not reflect the current excellent relationship between the two nations, and even if the Congress and Senate passes this bill, I am sure the President will veto it.

However, there are many good points in it and some important amendments that seek compensation of properties that was illegally confiscated and not yet returned to the Ethiopian people was surprisingly opposed by Donald Payne, the man who wants democracy in Ethiopia. This is a gross fundamental error by Donald Payne, and gives the impression that he is under the influence of some misinformation and does not show that is he is competntly representing US interests by blocking a fundamental US Constitutiona value of democracy that respects property right as a fundamental human rights. What is human rights without property rights? Just a talking shop?

I am sure Donald will not want slavery to return to the US, in effect by denying property rights in Ethiopia, that is exactly what he is advocating. No propeerty rights means slavery, Mr Payne and you of all people should know that. Ethiopians have never been slaves and will not choose it now under any pretext of misguided notion of democracy that is compromised its advocate of some like you at the US congress.

Imagine, democracy without property rights and the rights of individuals not being able to protect their property, which is fundamental for the basics of democracy. I saw the deliberations and more than three Congressmen spoke in favour of property rights and Donald Payne opposed it and wonder if he has complete understanding of democracy, transparency and accountability in the first place. Property rights are fundamental in the democratic structure, unless Donald espouses a communist version of democracy and this is US congress not the Soviet Union and may be he should try another country?

All the same, the last section of the bill is where it brings my rage. How dare Payne thinks he can more or less think he can dream of colonizing Ethiopia's sovereignty.

A bilateral government can suggest changes, can encourage but to put sanction on a people and government is beyond the normal excellent relationship. Here Payne has to go and study international relations, as I believe this is a backward concept and Ethiopians and for that matter Africa will not accept such demented approach to diplomacy.

That is where Payne will lose big time and this time we will campaign in his constituency in New Jersey, where his constituents are having one of the worst records in violence and democracy. May be they will benefit from a different representative at congress in the next election.

As an African, Ethiopian and some one who wants to see a positive development and relationship between Africa and US, this bill sounds great in terms of its title and the first few sections, but its account of events in Ethiopia is incomplete at times misleading and its implementation strategy is pejorative, punitive and most importantly short sighted as this is not the type of Millennial Gift Ethiopia expects from its friendly US Congress.

In the end, democracy is about dialogue and we will ensure that Donald Payne and his friends, especially the authors of this bill will have a serious dialogue with the people of Ethiopia either here in the US or at home in Ethiopia.

This is not a done thing. We have to negotiate big time as all of us who stake in this bill will have to voice our opinion and ensure that the outcome is win-win for all parties concerned.

In the end, democratic principles demand dialogue and perspectives. This bill demands a serious dialogue and sharing of perspectives from all stakeholders.

Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007 (Introduced in House)


HR 2003 IH


1st Session

H. R. 2003
To encourage and facilitate the consolidation of peace and security, respect for human rights, democracy, and economic freedom in Ethiopia.


April 23, 2007
Mr. PAYNE (for himself, Mr. HONDA, Mr. MORAN of Virginia, Ms. WATSON, and Mr. CLAY) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs


To encourage and facilitate the consolidation of peace and security, respect for human rights, democracy, and economic freedom in Ethiopia.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,


This Act may be cited as the `Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007'.


It is the policy of the United States to--

(1) support the advancement of human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, peacekeeping capacity building, and economic development in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia;

(2) seek the unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia;

(3) foster stability, democracy, and economic development in the region;

(4) collaborate with Ethiopia in the Global War on Terror; and

(5) strengthen United States-Ethiopian relations based on the policy objectives specified in paragraphs (1) through (4).


Congress finds the following:

(1) The people of Ethiopia have suffered for decades due to military conflicts, natural disasters, poverty and diseases, regional instability, and the brutal dictatorship of the military junta under Mengistu Haile Mariam. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were brutally murdered by the Mengistu regime, including women and children. Many more sacrificed their lives fighting for freedom, respect for human rights, and to bring an end to the brutal dictatorship of the Mengistu regime. Members of that murderous regime are currently living in Europe, the United States, and Africa.

(2) In May 1991, the brutal dictatorship of the Mengistu regime came to an abrupt end when the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) defeated the Mengistu army. In July 1991, the EPRDF and a coalition of other political groups established a transitional government in Ethiopia. A number of liberation movements joined the transitional government in a spirit of a new start and the building of a democratic Ethiopia. These groups included the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and many others.

(3) Since the ouster of the Mengistu regime in 1991, the EPRDF-led government instituted a multiparty system and organized 3 regional and national elections and a number of local elections. The 1995 and 2000 elections were largely boycotted and judged to be neither free nor fair. Some opposition groups participated in the 2000 elections, giving such groups 12 seats in the 546-seat parliament.

(4) The May 2005 pre-election period and the conduct of the elections in Ethiopia were seen by observers to be transparent, competitive, and relatively free and fair, although there were a number of problems reported. More than 90 percent of registered voters participated and dozens of political parties took part in the elections. Moreover, some international groups observed the elections, unprecedented access to the mass media was given to the opposition, and there were televised debates between the government and the opposition. Some political parties and armed political groups boycotted the 2005 elections. However, trained local groups were barred from observing the elections.

(5) Despite apparent improvement in the electoral process, preliminary election results announced by the Government of Ethiopia shortly after the May 15, 2005, elections were seen by observers as questionable. The opposition accused the Government of Ethiopia of stealing the elections and called for civil disobedience, which resulted in the killing of demonstrators and detention of opposition leaders and thousands of their followers, including 11 elected members of parliament and the elected mayor of Addis Ababa.

(6) The Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), and the ruling EPRDF reached an agreement to resolve disputed election results peacefully with the help of the National Electoral Board (NEB). The NEB investigated more than 299 complaints and later agreed to hold reruns in 31 constituencies. In late August 2005, the NEB held reruns in the 31 constituencies as well as in all 23 constituencies in the Somali region, where elections had been postponed due to insecurity.

(7) Election results show that opposition parties won 170 seats in the national parliament, a significant increase from the 12 seats they won in the last elections. Opposition parties also won the city council in Addis Ababa, giving them control over the capital. An estimated 150 of the 170 opposition members of parliament have taken their seats. In early May 2006, the Government of Ethiopia appointed a caretaker government in the capital. Members of parliament from the CUD walked out of parliament in protest. The CUD won the city, but the designated mayor has been in detention since November 2005.

(8) Human rights conditions deteriorated significantly after the May 15, 2005, elections in Ethiopia and overall human rights conditions in the country remain poor. The Department of State, in its 2005 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, noted a myriad of human rights abuses by the Government of Ethiopia. Moreover, journalists and editors of the independent press have been and continue to face harassment and prosecution for alleged violations of press laws in Ethiopia. Dozens of journalists have fled the country, and some are currently in exile fearing prosecution or harassment.

(9) In June 2005, more than 35 demonstrators were killed by Ethiopian Government security personnel and in November 2005 an estimated 53 people were killed, including 7 policemen, according to Human Rights Watch and several other reports. The violence against these victims occurred after pro-opposition groups went to the streets of the capital to protest government actions in handling the elections results of May 2005. Tens of thousands of people suspected of being opposition supporters were detained over the past months, although many of these detainees were released. Nonetheless, government security forces continue to abuse opposition leaders, supporters, and family members.

(10) An estimated 112 political leaders, human rights activists, community leaders, and journalists, including the chairman of the CUD (Hailu Shawel), the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa (Berhanu Nega), and the founder of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam), were imprisoned and charged with treason and genocide. These measures were deliberately taken to stifle and criminalize opposition party activity in the country. The measures also were intended to intimidate and silence independent press and civil society, raising serious question about the Ethiopian Government's commitment to democracy and good governance.

(11) According to Department of State's 2006 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, `human rights abuses [in Ethiopia] reported during the year included: limitation on citizens' right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention . . .'.

(12) Whereas the Ethiopian Parliament established an 11-member Commission of Inquiry to `investigate the disorder and report to the House of People's Representatives in order to take the necessary measure'. The Commission was tasked to investigate whether government security forces used excessive force, caused damage to life and property, or showed a lack of respect for human rights. The Commission was mandated to investigate the June 8, 2005, and November 1-10, 2005, violence in different parts of the country.

(13) Whereas members of the Commission of Inquiry visited several regions, reviewed police reports, met with prisoners and government officials, made 122 radio and TV announcements to the public, examined 16,990 documents, and took testimonies from 1,300 people.

(14) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry concluded that 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed. The Commission also reported that 71 police officers were injured and 6 killed. Damage to property was estimated at $512,588. The Commission also reported that more than 30,000 civilians were detained, some were tortured, and prisoners in Kaliti were killed.

(15) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry reported that security forces fired 1,500 bullets at prisoners, killing 17 and injuring 53. The Commission stated that civilians did not use weapons and reported bank robberies by demonstrators did not take place. The Commission's deliberations were video-taped and votes were taken on key findings on July 3, 2006.

(16) Whereas shortly after the Commission of Inquiry reached its decision, the Ethiopian Government reportedly began to put pressure on Commission members to change their report. The Chairman of the Commission, a former Supreme Court President of the Southern Region of Ethiopia, was told by a senior advisor of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to call for an emergency meeting of the Commission in order to change the Commission's report.

(17) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry was scheduled to give its report to the Ethiopian Parliament on July 7, 2006, but the Parliament was adjourned a day early. Several Commission members, including the Chairman and the Deputy Chair, left the country with the final report, other documents relevant to the investigation, and several video tapes of the Commission deliberations.

(18) Whereas in November 2006, the Chairman of the Commission of Inquiry and another Commission member presented the Commission's report and briefed Members of the United State Congress.

(19) Whereas in November 2006, at a congressional briefing with members of the Commission of Inquiry, a young women named Alemzuria submitted her testimony about what happened to her mother, Etenesh Yemam. Alemzuria's father was elected in May 2005 as Council Member of in Addis Ababa. Subsequently security personnel came to arrest him at his home and then shot Etenesh Yemam as she pleaded for her husband's release.

(20) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry investigated the killing of Etenesh Yemam and confirmed beyond doubt what happened on that dreadful day. Etenesh Yemam's husband still languishes in prison while Alemzuria remains a refugee in another African country.


The Secretary of State shall--

(1) establish a mechanism to provide financial support to local and national human rights groups and other relevant civil society organizations to help strengthen human rights monitoring and regular reporting on human rights conditions in Ethiopia;

(2) establish a victims support network to provide legal support for political prisoners and prisoners of conscience and to assist local groups or groups from outside Ethiopia that are active in monitoring the status of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia;

(3) seek to increase the independence of the Ethiopian judiciary through facilitation of joint discussions for court personnel, officials from the Ethiopian Ministry of Justice, relevant members of the legislature, and civil society representatives on international human rights standards;

(4) create and support a judicial monitoring process, consisting of local and international groups, to monitor judicial proceedings throughout Ethiopia, with special focus on unwarranted government intervention on strictly judicial matters, and to investigate and report on actions to strengthen an independent judiciary;

(5) establish a program to strengthen private media in Ethiopia, provide support for training purposes, offer technical and other types of support as necessary, and expand programming by the Voice of America to Ethiopia; and

(6) establish a mechanism to identify and extradite members of the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime and the current government residing in the United States who were engaged in gross human rights violations and work with other governments to identify and extradite such persons, including Mengistu Haile Mariam.


(a) Strengthening Local, Regional, and National Democratic Processes- The Secretary of State shall--

(1) provide assistance to strengthen local, regional, and national parliaments and governments in Ethiopia through training in consultation with government authorities, political parties, and civil society groups;

(2) establish a program focused on reconciliation efforts between the Government of Ethiopia and peaceful political and civil society groups, including in minority communities, in preparation for negotiation and for participation in the political process;

(3) strengthen training for political parties in Ethiopia in areas such as organization building and campaign management; and

(4) provide training for civil society groups in election monitoring in Ethiopia.

(b) Democracy Enhancement-

(1) ASSISTANCE- United States technical assistance for democracy promotion in Ethiopia should be made available to the ruling party as well as opposition parties in Ethiopia.


(A) IN GENERAL- Nonessential United States assistance shall not be made available to the Government of Ethiopia if the Government of Ethiopia acts to obstruct United States technical assistance to advance human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, economic development and economic freedom in Ethiopia.

(B) DEFINITION- In this paragraph, the term `nonessential United States assistance' means assistance under any provision of law, other than humanitarian assistance, assistance under emergency food programs, assistance to combat HIV/AIDS, and other health care assistance.


(a) Limitation on Security Assistance; Travel Restrictions-


(A) IN GENERAL- Except as provided in subparagraph (B), security assistance shall not be provided to Ethiopia until such time as the certification described in paragraph (3) is made in accordance with such paragraph.

(B) EXCEPTION- Subparagraph (A) shall not apply with respect to peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance. Peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance provided to Ethiopia shall not be used for any other security-related purpose or to provide training to security personnel or units accused of human rights violations against civilians.

(2) TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS- Beginning on the date that is 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act and until such time as the certification described in paragraph (3) is made in accordance with such paragraph, the President shall deny a visa and entry into the United States to--

(A) any official of the Government of Ethiopia who--

(i) has been involved in giving orders to use lethal force against peaceful demonstrators in Ethiopia; or

(ii) has been accused of gross human rights violations;

(B) security personnel of the Government of Ethiopia who were involved in the June or November 2005 shootings of demonstrators;

(C) security personnel responsible for murdering Etenesh Yemam, as described in paragraphs (20) and (21) of section 3; and

(D) security personnel responsible for murdering prisoners at Kaliti prison in the aftermath of the election violence.

(3) CERTIFICATION- The certification described in this paragraph is a certification by the President to Congress that the Government of Ethiopia is making credible, quantifiable efforts to ensure that--

(A) all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia have been released, their civil and political rights restored, and their property returned;

(B) prisoners held without charge or kept in detention without fair trial in violation of the Constitution of Ethiopia are released or receive a fair and speedy trial, and prisoners whose charges have been dismissed or acquitted and are still being held are released without delay;

(C) the Ethiopian judiciary is able to function independently and allowed to uphold the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights standards;

(D) security personnel involved in the unlawful killings of demonstrators, Etenesh Yemam, and Kaliti prisoners are punished;

(E) family members, legal counsel, and others have unfettered access to visit detainees in Ethiopian prisons;

(F) print and broadcast media in Ethiopia are able to operate free from undue interference and laws restricting media freedom, including sections of the Ethiopian Federal Criminal Code, are revised;

(G) licensing of independent radio and television in Ethiopia is open and transparent;

(H) access in Ethiopia is provided to the Internet and the ability of citizens to freely send and receive electronic mail and otherwise obtain information is guaranteed;

(I) the National Election Board (NEB) includes representatives of political parties with seats in the Ethiopian Parliament and guarantees independence for the NEB in its decision-making;

(J) representatives of international human rights organizations engaged in human rights monitoring work in Ethiopia are admitted to Ethiopia without undue restriction; and

(K) Ethiopian human rights organizations are able to operate in an environment free of harassment, intimidation, and persecution.


(A) IN GENERAL- The President may waive the application of paragraph (1) or (2) on a case-by-case basis if the President determines that--

(i) the Government of Ethiopia has met the requirements of paragraph (3); and

(ii) such a waiver is in the national interests of the United States.

(B) NOTIFICATION- Prior to granting a waiver under the authority of subparagraph (A), the President shall transmit to Congress a notification that includes the reasons for the waiver.

(b) Treatment of Political Prisoners and Prisoners of Conscience-

(1) IN GENERAL- The President, the Secretary of State, and other relevant officials of the Government of the United States shall call upon the Government of Ethiopia to immediately release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, especially prisoners held without charge.

(2) TORTURE VICTIM RELIEF- While it is the responsibility of the Government of Ethiopia to compensate the victims of unlawful imprisonment and torture and their families for their suffering and losses, the President shall provide assistance for the rehabilitation of victims of torture in Ethiopia at centers established for such purposes pursuant to section 130 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.

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